This is an abbreviated version of the profile. A longer, expanded version will be published separately on The Jerusalem Post’s website.

Roman Gofman only took office as head of the Mossad on June 2 and had little time or opportunity to work on a transition with his predecessor. This was because, in a wild twist, David Barnea was part of a lawsuit that tried to block his appointment, which had only been resolved that week.

In a forward-looking sense, however, he will likely be one of the most powerful and influential Jews in the world over the coming year. He will have a special focus on the all-important and multi-headed Iran conflict, but also with involvement in Syria, with the US and Russia more broadly, and in combating global terror.

The Jerusalem Post understands that Gofman recognizes that his greatest challenge will probably be calibrating between advancing short-term clandestine kinetic attack or spying operations in Iran and possibly plans for regime change – which are likely to be a longer-term effort.

Gofman’s strategy for Iran

If, for many years, the Mossad was assigned to thwart and stall Iran’s nuclear program, while such efforts will continue, the agency’s role in tracking and thwarting Tehran’s ballistic missiles program may grow going forward, given the regime’s direct attacks on Israel in recent years.

All of this could lead Gofman to push the agency even further into kinetic attack missions, something that has grown in recent years, as opposed to its more traditional role as an intelligence collection agency – though that will continue.

Incoming Mossad Director Maj. Gen. Roman Gofman arrives to a Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee meeting at the Knesset, the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem on February 5, 2026. (credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)

Moreover, one of the reasons that Gofman fired the Mossad’s deputy chief “A,” its analysis chief, and its Iran desk chief was because he believes their former plans for regime change cannot go forward as they were and must either be heavily modified or entirely altered.

Gofman’s personnel changes were because, generally, the former senior officials’ plan to topple the regime failed and because he needed others with different skills. And who could better connect to his mentality for how to operate going forward?

According to his view, the situation with Iran is the most dynamic it has been in decades, and the Mossad needs to be able to jump on any openings that could be to Israel’s advantage, however unexpected – something which new outlooks will help with.

In that sense, the Post understands Gofman will probably adopt a variation of the “death by a thousand cuts” 2021-2022 Naftali Bennett strategy against Iran, but with more aggressive short-term moves against Iran mixed in to try to accelerate the regime change and threat-reduction process.

Gofman views himself as a nonpartisan figure politically, and is immediately ready to work on advancing the Mossad’s mission, whoever the next prime minister will be – whether that be Netanyahu, Gadi Eisenkot, or Naftali Bennett.

What about the specific, now widely-published incident in which Gofman, then a mid-level IDF officer, publicly butted heads with Eisenkot years ago when Eisenkot was the IDF chief?

Rather, the Post understands that Gofman will pursue the future mission of the Mossad without regard to any past interactions, and even under Netanyahu, he has been willing to voice dissent when necessary.

The Post understands that while the Mossad obviously remains committed to the defensive side of this equation, Gofman sees that changes in the balance of power with Iran may be opening up new opportunities to cut off aspects of these terror plots in a more offensive-minded manner. For Gofman, it will all start and end with Iran.

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